Thol. Thirumavalavan addressing at  a seminar on Philosophy of Ambedkar at  Pondicherry University 

                                                                        With Thirumavalavan

(Un) Making Literature: Dalit Literary Imagination

 

Dr. P. Kesava Kumar

  In India, English is a privileged language .It is the legacy of colonialism. It is the language of bureaucracy. In post independent India, it is still enjoys the power of elite. It is the language of institutionalization of academics. Colonialism, Modernity, rationality, western thinking, technicality, printing, writing culture and ‘Indian literature’ are having convergence with English. The intellectual expressions are borrowed from English thinking. The literary expressions are of natives too shaped by English studies, though they expressed in vernaculars. The Indian literature in vernaculars is defined in western literary genres. This may be witnessed with literary forms emerged within print forms such as short story, novel, and drama. As an active recipients of English, the literary expression of Indian intellectuals who are happened to be social elite as a nationalists/nativists are invariably in the boundaries of western literary canons. The literature influenced by Marxism made an attempt to redefine literature from materialistic and class perspective, but it also confined to the already established structures of literature. The post -Marxist, post-structural, post-modern, cultural studies and post-colonial frameworks to certain extent broadens the canvas of literature/culture and its functions. The marginalized/submerged life, literature and knowledge systems are bringing into a view. This trajectory has not only demolished the celebrated literary/cultural canons but changed the very discourse of literature. As a result the nature and function of English studies too significantly changed. In this historical and theoretical backdrop, literature viewd from a dalit perspective may change the very idea of literature and so the English studies.

As his engagement with post-colonial literature (decolonizing literature) the world known Kenyan writer Ngugi determined to write in his own language Gikuyu rather continuing in English. Orhan Pamukh, Turkish novelist who won the noble prize for literature has categorically made a point in his Noble prize speech that we are far away from literary centers but not away from literature. These acts have implications for literature and English studies.

In India, from early nineties, Dalit literature has emerged as a new literary genre by contesting the western literary frameworks and local vernacular literatures of both brahminical and Marxist literatures. The orality, authenticity, lived experiences, cultural rootedness, ethics of politics, shared experiences and struggles of liberation of dalit literature are resisting the canons of literature of both English studies and vernacular knowledge systems. Dalit literature has epistemologically, ethically and politically providing a new ground for literature. It demands not for inclusion of this literature in English studies but compelling us to see what constitutes literature.

Politics of Atrocity: Towards Understanding Caste Violence

Dr.P.Kesava Kumar

The word ‘atrocious’ is an adjective form, meaning very wicked or cruel or shocking. The noun form of it is atrocity, meaning wicked or cruel act. Atrocity is an act. Legislation preventing it is confining to the limited objective of avoiding such act. Legislation is intended at prevent of cruel act because it is unbearably inhuman, appealing to our realist aesthetic. The statist use of a term atrocity does not go beyond its apparent inhumanity and explore into socially constituted intersubjective meanings of the atrocity. The state already assumes a sanitized picture of society as consisting of simple individuals located outside caste bound cultural contexts. At least it intends to build such a society, completely ignoring the intersubjective nature of social meaning.

Atrocity annihilates all attempts to give life meaning and destroys forever a subject’s possibility of seeking justice as well as the individual’s relation with the world. The idea of atrocity is associated with acts of assaults and violence against an individual or group which are illegitimate, inhuman and cruel. It has different contextual and structural meanings. Genocide, caste violence, gendered violence, rape, ethnic cleansing, mass murder, war, slavery and torture are some examples of atrocity. The terms atrocity and violence are often used as synonymously. But these are two distinctive categories and are invariably related to each other. Violence is a sociological and cultural category .It is mostly descriptive in nature. Atrocity is a moral and political category. It is evaluative in nature.

I believe the philosophical discourse on atrocity may be providing a new meaning in freedom of the self in a caste society. The idea of atrocity had different dimensions in case of caste violence. Caste violence could not be reduced either to physical or psychological phenomenon. More than physical and psychological, it is a social, cultural and religious phenomenon. The phenomenological method may provide link to connect the victim, perpetuator, state, social structure and social agencies involved in the phenomenon of caste violence. The purpose is not to identify or describe different political positions in the phenomenon of atrocity. But it is to strengthen or justify the moral and political position of victim of atrocity in relation to other positions. This phenomenological method may help in grounding the possibility of communication by negotiating with other.

Public intellectuals tend to either subjectivise or objectivise the social world. Poets/writers tend to  subjectivise the meaning of social act like atrocity while academics tend to see this as end product of play of objective forces like class. Public movements-when they attempt to remedy atrocity, they do so by trying to mobilize people by conscientizing them throughteaching the objective picture of the world and thereby making them consumers and carriers of that picture.insightful analyst could gives us some kind of intersubjectivity intrinsic to social world. Either subjectivist or objectivist description deny the possibility of accessibility to intersubjectively constituted social world. Invoking phenomenology cautions us about impossibility of making social world according to our wishes. Social worlds can be understood culturally constituted intersubjective social meanings. Atrocity occurs and it is an instance of crises of normative hindu social order due to alteration in the internal perspective of the actor. However, the norm remains to be hindu social order. Reconciliation takes place through readjusting each other’s perspective according to that norm. Atrocity also happens in the context of invoking objectivist just conceptions of the world into the village social world or also in the process of negotiating intersubjective veracity of objectively just norms.

‘Dalita Rananinadam’(2005), a compilation of analytical essays on atrocities against dalits , that took place between 1985-2005 provides an understanding of atrocity viewed by dalit intellectuals who are actively involved dalit movement of this period.  Chunduru Nethuti Charitra (2008) is about Chunduru massacre, contains the testimonies/witnesses of dalit victims of that massacre produced in SC/ST special court, published by Kulanirmulana Porata Samithi. Kathi Padma Rao, the dalit leader emerged from the struggle against Karamchedu massacre argues that Upper caste (kammas) are targeted dalits of Karamchedu by consolidating their energies all possible way (kamma manpower of nearby seven village, tractors, weapons and by keeping police under their control).When the dalits are not organized, they used to attack individual dalits in their cattle sheds. Now they changed their strategies by understanding the collective strength of dalits. He illustrates that the perpetuators of Karamchedu massacre and the dalit victims have different philosophical background. Whenever dalit castes are resisting the feudal caste hegemony, the upper caste are killing, raping and massacring dalits by consolidating their political, Social (caste), economic power. In establishing their caste hegemony, they are unifying their social force. This atrocity has to simply understand as an issue of economic or political oppression but as an hegemonic caste massacre. This has to be resisted through the weapons of philosophy of annihilation of caste.[i] K.G.Satyamurthy, another dalit leader commenting on Chunduru massacre, though there is significant economic change in agrarian society of coastal Andhra, but in corresponding to this, there was no change in social and cultural life. If that change took place, upper caste would not respond in such atrocious way against the idea of self-respect of dalits .[ii] Another Dalit writer Ravi Kumar in his foreword to S. Viswanathan’s Dalits in Dravidian Land expresses that caste violence has not only changed its pattern and also changed its geography. Even when a small development or incident leading to the empowerment of dalits takes place, casteist forces are at the forefront of efforts to quash it. The instruments of the state cooperate with these forces. The judiciary too plays its part. And further adds that the important aspect of recent caste clashes was the fact that the dalits had begun to retaliate. It is more explicit in most of the caste atrocities.[iii]

 

Caste violence is socially located and had an historical continuity. It manifests in many forms. It is constituted and a cognitive act. It is relational and intentional. The perpetuator, caste hindu and the victim, dalit makes sense of their acts and came up with different meaning to the same act. Dalit victim articulates the caste violence as an atrocity committing against him. The perpetuator, the caste hindu justifies his act of violence by pointing out the violation of social norm by the dalits. The perpetuator projects the targeted dalit as violent, anti-social and potential threat to ‘public’. Rather observing the caste violence as an emotional act took place between individuals or a group, we have to take note of social structure and institutions that are undercurrent of this phenomenon. The social merit of these structures has to be evaluated in terms of social justice and common good. As dalit leader Kathi Padma Rao observed, the perpetuator and the victim have two different world views. It is the clash of brahminical world view of upper caste hindu and the world view of annihilation of caste represented by dalit. As it is observed, for dalit leaders understood atrocity as a reaction to retaliation of dalits against caste hegemony for the sake of self-respect. For caste hindu , his act of violence is to maintain his status and control over dalits, which he has foreseen as losing with the assertion of dalits. State has seen the atrocity as the breaking of law but in practice unable to implement it due to its social character. As a result state limiting to itself as a dealer of compensation for victims rather intervening in the social process to minimize the social inequalities. The academic understanding on atrocity is a reflection of this process and ultimately ends in reproducing the knowledge, which is mostly empirical in nature. It lacks proper theoretical direction and obviously keeps in status quo of society. The social scientists are limiting themselves in explaining the social conditions that leads to violence rather providing normative and political understanding of the issue. At most the theoretical understanding is confines to liberal humanistic or Gandhian in case of understanding caste violence. In this context, dalit literary writing to certain extent captured the idea of atrocity and provides the normative meaning to atrocity by locating it socially and historically. Though it was a cultural construction of dalit writer that reflects his subjective position, but to a possible extent they opened up the diverse subjective positions. In Bojja Tarakam’s Nela, Nagali and Mudeddulu, we may find how dalit subjectivity got erased by the caste hindu, who happened to have control over the land and resources. The power denies the identity of dalit as a human being and reduced him to a third bull. An attempt to live as human being leads to knowing about oneself and questioning the power that obviously leads to violence. The author    has not only depicts the conditions that leads to violence and explains the functioning of the social structure as a whole against the labourer, subordinate, dalit. To overcome this atrocity of slavery, he suggests that dalits should have land, education and political power. To transform the society requires courage to fight against this inhuman and oppressed society. Kolakaluri Enoch’s Oorabhavi provides the multiple meanings of atrocity by capturing the complexity involved in the society and explaining the caste violence. It also provides the strategies adopted by the dalits in resisting the everyday caste violence. In our philosophical understanding of atrocity we have to take note of these dimensions of caste violence in order to change the inhuman, oppressive and exploitative social system. Rather describing the phenomenon of caste violence, our understanding of atrocity has to acknowledge the politics of resisting the caste violence.

End Notes

---

[i] Padma Rao, Katthi Karamchedu O Charitrika Malupu, Dalita Rananinadam, Hyderabad: Yedureetha Publications, 2005,p.6

[ii] Satyamurthy.K.G.quoted in Dalita Rana Ninadam, p.55

[iii] Ravi Kumar, (2005) Waiting to lose their Patience, In:  Viswanathan,S. Dalits in Dravidian Land, Chennai: Navayana, , p.xxvii

Kalekuri Prasad: Dalit Poet Raised for Fistful of Self Respect
Kalekuri Prasad: Dalit Poet Raised for Fistful of Self Respect

http://www.andhrajyothy.com/vividhaNewsShow.asp?qry=2012/oct/29/vividha/29vividha2&more=2012/oct/29/vividha/vividhamain&date=10/29/2012

http://www.andhrajyothy.com/vividhaNewsShow.asp?qry=2012/oct/29/vividha/29vividha2&more=2012/oct/29/vividha/vividhamain&date=10/29/2012

Bojja Tarakam : Nela..Nagali...Moodeddulu









 

Bojja Tarakam's book Nela,Nagali, Mudeddulu is a story of indian agrarian society.It is a literary narration of social history of dalits living for many  generations.It depicts the changing hegemonic social relations and unchanged life of dalits .It explains invariable nexus between caste,land and power.This book is a philosophical note of indian society from victims point of view.This book was published by Hyderabad Book Trust in 2008.Interestingly there is no discussion on this book so far.To understand the politics of power and hegemony of upper caste, one should read this book.

Bojja Tarakam is known as dalit leader in telugu society.He is politically active from the struggle against Karamchedu masacre to till recent agitation against Laximpeta massacre.He has written poetry, prose and essays in support of dalit struggle.Though they are powerful writings, they were discussed in lager literary and political debates.His poetry collection 'Nadi Puttina Gonthuka' is prior to dalit literary movement of eighties and nineties.In this he dismissed Gandhi and the image of "Mahatma" for not having the experience of dalit life.Kulam-Vargam(Caste-Class) is a book of political theory that charecterizes the Indian society.He explains that indian society is both caste and class ridden and also explains the relation between caste and class.As a result his struggle aims against caste and class and had a dream for casteless and classless democratic society.

Nela. Nagali..Modeddulu is how a dalit reduced to a level of domestic cattle  by not allowing him to think as a human being.In this work, he explains the evolution of Indian society and accumulation of wealth in upper caste and victimization of dalits . This is a different genre of writing in dalit literature.

 

Vimala: From 'Adavi Uppongina Ratri' to 'Mrugana'

 

Vimala is known for revolutionary feminism and her commitment for revolution through her writings and powerful speeches in public.Her poetry collection 'Adavi Uppongina Ratri is a representative poetry of revolution from feminist perspective.It had a great influence on later literary movement of feminism.

 

After eighteen years, she came up with her anthology of poems titled as 'Mrugana'( 2008).As she wrote in her foreword ,What shall I write, when my beliefs, ideology, philosophy and its practice are challenged? She consoled herself  that poetry may be "intenemo".In telugu society from early nineties onwards identity politics has radically changed the political discourse, especially the struggles of dalit, women, madiga dandora and telengana.We have seen new intellectuals and writers in this time.The established writers too influenced by these struggles and changed their literary and political articulation by internalising these sensitives. of course, there are dilemmas for intellectuals!

With her commitment and grasping of social dynamics of telugu society, she can reflect on these easily.But her 'Mrugana' came up with many doubts, questions.Her poetry become 'I' centric contrary to 'We' centric.The poetry is filled with Samundramu (Sea),chandrudu (moon), seetakokachilukalu (Butterflies), nostalgia , and disturbed dreams.Konni sandarbhalu-konni sandehalu.The poetry seems to be dense and philosophical expressed from lived experience.It is not explicitly political like her earlier collection.

But in this Mrugana, we may not find any poetry either in identification or expressing solidarity with ongoing struggles such as dalit, telangana or dandora.It doesn't mean that the writer doesn't have concerns for these struggles. She has to come up with fresh expressing rather struggling herself philosophically. This is the responsibility of the celebrities of revolution/marxism of yesterday rather disillusioned with the dream of revolution.

Struggles for Freedom Against Hegemonic State: Ambedkar’s Perspective

Dr. P. Kesava Kumar

In the political arena of contemporary societies, both State and freedom have not only got its exclusive importance but also stand against each other. The politics of democracy is mediating force for both state and freedom. To understand the freedom as an ideal or value, we have to understand the struggles of the individuals and oppressed social groups in realizing the freedom against the hegemonic society and dominance of the state. To evaluate the nature and function of the state, we have to understand the historical formation of state and the social agency involved. The Indian state has its own trajectory and had inherited the character of both colonial legacy and caste dominance though it had declared itself democratic state. With the struggles of the oppressed the domain of freedom has enlarged and at the same time compelling the state to abide by its own democratic principles rather carried with hegemonic social rule of caste.  In other words, dalit struggles are strengthening the Indian democracy. Infact, it is a painful transition. With the assertion of dalits for dignity, self reliance, economic independence and social freedom, the dominant social groups become violently responding. State and its machinery are become casteiest. In this situation, dalits are demanding the state to be responsive and stick to the law, and in certain occasions dalits lost faith in state in assuring their freedom. In the wake of globalization and a monopoly of global capital, it is argued that state lost its sovereignty and acquired a character of neo-liberal and neo-colonial. State has no more to be a welfare state and keeps away in performing the role of interventionist in minimizing the inequalities and maximizing the freedom of the oppressed. State too has responding violently and authoritatively without understanding the social aspirations of the oppressed masses. State is viewing the struggles of the oppressed as a problem of law and order. At this historical juncture, dalits have ambivalent relation towards state. They are struggling with a hope that by acquiring the political power, they can make Indian state much more democratic and automatically it will have implication for social transformation and social freedom. The social experience often makes them disillusioned with the function of state in relation to dalits and lost faith in state and democracy. There are struggles of oppressed by looking at other options outside the legal framework for a real democracy.  Ambedkar is a mediating point to explain potential and limitations both state and freedom in the context of Indian democracy. He is a source material to explain the Indian democracy in relation to oppressed communities. It is evident that Ambedkar has a vision of democratic state of India and also knows its limitations. As a leader of the depressed classes/untouchables/scheduled castes/labour he led struggles for freedom against caste oppressive society and demanding the state to safeguard the interests of oppressed communities. Apart from this, we may find philosophical explanation of freedom as explained by the Ambedkar. He connects social, economical, political and spiritual freedom as a principle of governance. He ensures normative practices of state and society in all his deliberations. He views both Brahminism and Capitalism are equally responsible for denial of freedom for dalits. Though the law guarantees certain rights to  dalits as par with other citizens, the hindu society does not allow them to exercise those rights. Here the law does not make any sense. Ambedkar holds a position that which is permitted by the society to be exercised can alone be called a right. The right which is guaranteed by law but opposed by the society is of no use at all. The untouchables are in more need of social liberty than that which is guaranteed by law.He further argues that physical freedom is not enough but one should have mental freedom. We should not forget that both brahminism and capitalism have invariable relation with state. 

Long Live Ambedkarism

Long Live Ambedkarism

Dr.P.Kesava Kumar

Attack on Ambedkar statues in Coastal Andhra is a symbolic attack on dalit consciousness. This has to be understood in a social context of Andhra and emerging forces. The attacks are not spntaneous or emotional but systematically planned. It seems there is a conspiracy to get the political milege.In Andhra political situation is very unstable.Every political par...ty is uncertain about future elections . CM is already working out strategies to eliminate potential threats within his party. Jagan is putting all his efforts to consolidate dalit and reddy vote bank.He thought that only way to escape from multi crore scams is to get more visibility in public. Chandrababu wants to take advantage from the political unstable situation and preparing for elections with new image.All the political parties have an eye on dalit vote .Dalits are at cross roads.They lost even the bargaining capacity with mainstream political parties long back.The consciousness is fragmented to subcastes.The conscious in the line of subcastes helps them to conslidate community with reference to other community but lost the capacity to push any issue further or to kep pressure on ruling parties. The attacks are happening when dalits are not in a position to emerge as an autonomos political force.The situation demands that dalit is the better identity to inaugurate dalit self rather mala or madiga identity.By identification with a category 'dalit' their energies will be consolidated and provides the political direction.The installation of rajasekarreddy statues in dalit village rather in reddy locality or in the other public places reflects the submerged comnsciousness of dalits under hegemonic forces. This is one kind of surrender to dominant hegemonic ruling communities.Keeping the statue of Rajasekhar reddy along with Ambedkar, dalits lost the direction.They carried with a popularism that has constructed artificially.The need of the hour is to assertion of dalits in public space by protecting their symbols and at the same time differentiating from other imposed symbols.Interstngly dalits are responding to the cultural symbols emotionally but the same emotion is missing on many issues relating to dalit exploitation.Dalit masses are identified with Ambedkar statues but at the same we fail to see the same carrying further the spirit of Ambedkar's philosophy .Ambedkar is a symbol of protest that questining the upper caste hegermony in all forms.Rajasehkarreddy is a symbol of surrender to the caste hegemony.Organising politics in the line of Ambedkar will definetely keep check on these kinds of attacks on Ambedkar statues.We have to take up our struggles from symbolic to real life situations.Condemn the attacks on Dalit Consciousness.Long Live Ambedkarism!See More

Towards a Dalit Theory- VENOMOUS TOUCH

Towards a Dalit Theory

Venomous Touch

Dr. P. Kesava Kumar

Ravi Kumar’s recent book Venomous Touch Notes on Caste, Culture and Politics are compilations of essays that were published in alternate Tamil journals, such as Dalit, Dalita Murusu, Taaimann, Manusanga, Unnadham, Nirapirikai, Kalachuvudu in between 1993-2005. These selective articles are translated and compiled as a book by Azhagarsan , English professor of University of Madras , who is closely following the politics of Tamil society in particular and contemporary cultural studies in general.
The initial years of this millennium witnessed the violent political turmoil of Tamil society, especially in Northern Tamil Nadu. These articles are a response of conscious dalit scholar to this situation. This book is sign post in understanding alternative culture and politics of Tamil society. These are critical reflections on Dravidan and tamil nationalist politics from a dalit point of view. Ravikumar is an organic intellectual, civil rights activist, writer, poet, translator, journalist, book publisher and a political leader of different kind. He expressed effectively through all these forms. He becomes a member of Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly (2006-2011) by representing the dalit political party, VCK.

As Susie Tharu in her foreword mentioned that these essays provide us with a rich feel for the political ruptures of the 1990s.It is post Mandal Phenomenon, in which dalit struggles against upper castes hegemony are prominent. It is the period of Political turmoil. The conscious educated dalits started asserting in public space. This is the time with the entry of dalits, one has witnessing the collapse of carefully constructed brahminical world in one hand, and on the other alternative politics that came in the form of Marxist and Dravidian ideology. This is the phase dalits of all walks got mobilized and consolidated to liberate themselves from the clutches of suffering, exploitation and violence that took place in the name of caste. Dalits are mobilizing towards the politics of power. In that process, they are searching for words, digging the past, inventing dignified life from the rich repository of their culture and history. It is an effort not to please theories of academics, and not to impress the existing polemics of alternative politics. It is dalit journey towards dignity, social recognition and social justice. Venomous touch is the critique of upper caste concerns towards dalit issues.

The Venomous Touch has its importance in many ways. First of all, this work is an authentic representation of dalit experience. This is not just articulating the feelings of suffering. It is also a voice against oppression. Moreover, it is theorizing about one’s own dalit self. It goes against the academic principle of dalit as empirical object and upper caste scholars as theoretician. If one believes authenticity and representation are important criteria in evaluating the knowledge systems, this work is a testimony of dalit knowledge system.
It is historically known fact that, for dalit writing, there is no space in mainstream media.
First of all who will publish the feelings of dalits? If any space is bargained, one has to compel to accommodate with existing dominant canons of political and cultural debates. In this context, the little magazines came with an idea of propagating alternative politics has a value in forcefully representing dalit writings. Ravi Kumar has deliberately chooses the little magazines of alternative political tradition. Mostly one has the feeling that dalit discourse is confined to vernacular and does not have national and international recognition as in the case of elite brahminical writing. By available dalit writing in English, this work got its importance as dalit scholarship in countering brahminical scholarship.
Ravi Kumar is fond of knowledge systems that liberate dalits. He had a strong conviction that dalit intellectual has to construct alternative knowledge system by critically evaluating existing systems of thought. It involves lot of labour, feelings, urge to change our lives. To fight against the system is not so easy, that too to fight against the caste hegemony of the nation one has to pick up courage and strength. He suggests that dalits need to develop a self critical attitude towards their own conceptions and activities. To understand, get more clarity and to provide proper direction for our struggles we need solid theoretical foundations.
Ravi Kumar looks at Ambedkar as not only a symbol of power but also a symbol of non power. Dalit movement must be willing to follow Ambedkar also in renouncing power. This alternative perspective on power can best be understood only when we understand Ambedkar and Tamil Buddhism from a foucauldian perspective. This shows that he borrows tools from scholars of the world to understand us in better way. ‘The strategic knowledge demands that our primary task should be to expose the forms of brahminism which offer ethical justification for all kinds of oppression in India. This is the role of organic intellectuals in the Indian context.’


Ravi Kumar is very much concerned with philosophical ideas that underplay politics rather mere politics. He declares, I give priority to philosophy rather than politics. He forcefully argues that ‘let us open the gates of philosophy’. He is fascinated with Gramsci, Althussar, Derrida, Bakunin and postmodernism. His fascinated with these theories is how to adopt in our social context. He believes that classical Marxism does not provide proper answer to resolve the questions related to power. To understand nature and function of power, Foucault seems to convincing to him. Foucault’s idea that power is all pervading in social relationship came as a critique of Marxism. Ravi Kumar reached Ambedkar in this backdrop. Apart from Marxism, he is equally critical about Dravidian ideology that practicing in Tamil society. As he says, behind atheistic ideology, communalism survives in the guise of caste majority. It is Hinduism in disguise. At the same time he argues that dalits need to develop a self-critical attitude towards their own conceptions and activities. Dalits have not only claims for sharing power but also have to learn to renounce power as in the case of Ambedkar. He proposes alternative perspective of power. Further he searched for alternative colonial modernity in Buddhism. He believes that the role of dalit intellectual is to expose the forms of Brahmanism and have to develop critical ability among the dalits. In other words, Ravi Kumar’s Venomous Touch is in search of constructing dalit theory. We may find his theoretical reflections on caste, literature, media, cinema, history, politics and human rights.
For dalit politics, the understanding of caste and its manifestations in various forms is central and crucial. Ravi Kumar explores the functioning of caste in all his writings. On the issues of caste, he is critical of both Marxist and Dravidian politics. As he puts: It is an important question whether the Marxists in India, can succeed in crossing caste barriers. Is it this barrier that has kept discussion of Ambedkar’s ideas out of Marxists circles today? The Dravidian politics has popularly known for anti-brahminical leanings by recognizing the issue of caste. Ravi Kumar observed that contemporary Dravidian politics are not critical of Hinduism. He points out that the same majoritarian Hinduism is surviving in the guise of Dravidian politics. Even in symbolic representation, the Dravidian politics are not critical about Hinduism. As he reminds that changing names in the campaign of Dravidian politics is remained at the level of anti-brahmin and anti-Sanskrit, but the attack on Hinduism never occupied a central place in such campaigns. (The Politics of Naming). For Tamil nationalists in Tamil Nadu regards Jaffna Tamils as role models. For any struggles in Tamil Nadu, Srilankan nationalist liberation struggle is inspiring force. Ravi Kumar is daring in questioning the caste of Tigers. He argues that these struggles are silent on the issue of caste. The wave of Tamil national liberation suppressed the voices of the dalits. For caste tamils in Srilanka are more Hinduistic than the caste Hindus in India. And the tigers are exception to this. To articulate his view, he borrowed the phrase from K. Raghunathan, Srilankan Poet, Caste lie hidden under the shadow of guns; they are not dead .(Caste of the Tigers). Ravi Kumar embraces the philosophy of Ambedkar in his struggle against brahminism, In understanding Indian society and readings its history, he believes that Ambedkar is appropriate. As he says: We can see in Ambedkar a continuation of Hegel’s study of social history. We can even say that what Marx did for Hegel in the economic sphere, Ambedkar did for him in the sphere of social history (The Shadow that cannot be Crossed). Ravi Kumar’s line of thought is clear by saying, Brahminism and its ‘counter revolution’ must be defeated. We must now think not of how to live, but how to die. He is equally critical about patriotism put forwarded by hindutva forces. What we need today is not the politics of patriotism, but a politics that articulates the singularity of the dalit question. (Is Sonia foreigner)


In State, Caste and Land, historically explores the relations of caste and land, from Chola, Pallava, and British period to contemporary times. He came to a conclusion that dalits are inextricably tied to land but do not have any right over it. The ownership of the land might change; but the coolie stays with the land. The landlords and rulers used the practice of untouchability to treat the dalits worse than slaves. In this context, he problematised the issue of Panchami land that given to untouchables in the time of British rule. This land has grabbed by upper caste and dalits have no claims on this at present.

Media plays an important role in imagining nation. It sets the tone for politics. Ravi Kumar’s articles on media are important in understanding history of media and the politics of media in relation to dalits. In Unwritten writing, explains the issue of dalits and media. he brings out the parallel between upper caste media, The Hindu and dalit intellectual Iyotheethas run journal Oru Paisa Tamilan(1907-14). He differentiates the difficulties in sustaining the dalit media even after their success, and sustenance of The Hindu(1905- till date) even after losses. He argues that caste makes the difference. He also demands for representation of dalits in media for effective functioning of democracy.
Further he argues that we have to understand the politics of media. He raises the questions: The caste system is preserved and reinforced even in media. How many dalits are employed in private TV channels? How many dalit issues have been highlighted on such channels?
Apart from the representation of dalits in media, he is ideologically explains the nature of media in his writings. As he says, television will not help to expand our knowledge; on the contrary, it dims our intellect. By limiting our thinking and throwing readymade solutions continuously before us, it turns us into fools and slaves. Worse still, it converts us into objects and commodities. Every thing, including sorrow, atrocity, destruction and death, has been converted into a commodity. (A Commodity called the Human being)

Dalit movements are aimed at annihilation of caste. The issue of caste has to be fought from many fronts and in many ways. Apart from political struggles, cultural struggles are equally important. For this dalits have to assert themselves by celebrating their own culture and history. Ravi Kumar argues that dominant history has excluded dalits, even in subaltern discourses. He is in favour of celebration of dalit history month in the line of black history month. Dalit history month is counter to dominant fabrications of history. The idea behind this acts is, invocation of dalit history. In the context where history has been subjected to planned erasure, events (Keezhvenmani, Tsundur, Kumher), institutions (Sakya Budhists Society) and names ( Jashuavea, Sankaranand Sastri, PR Venkatswamy, Iyotheethass) from the past century seem unfamiliar even to dalits. The subaltern studies group, which gained immense currency on academia, has systematically excluded dalits from their discourse .He believes that these kind of symbolic and semiotic representations have implication even for material plane. The violence against dalits in semiotic sphere must be met in the same sphere. It can not be fought on a material plane. This will be made possible only by turning the existing power equation in this system against itself. (Semiotic Violence of Independence Day). While recording the campaign of re-naming dalits by giving them tamil names, organized of Dalit Panthers of India of Tirumavalavan is considered as a protest launched on the semiotic plane. Rejecting hindu names and renaming dalits with caste-free names is part of the struggle to annihilate caste. This semiotic protest will destabilize the material plane too. Changing names is part of transforming society. we can name ourselves, seem also to say, ‘we can decide our own politics, and ‘we can secure our freedom. (The Politics of Naming).

In literature, Dalit literature brings into perspective the issue of authenticity and representation. The upper caste writers in general and progressive writers in particular are upset with charges of dalit writers. Ravi Kumar illustrates the upper caste writers view by reviewing Vaasanti’s short story Thinavu his article Venomous Touch, Untouchable People . He exposes the inherent vengeance and venomous literary touch towards dalits in the name of progressiveness. In another article Noon That Slaughters Shadow reads the celebrated Tamil writer Pudumai Pithan from a postmodern perspective. He reads the film Knockout as male centric text.
This book also contains the reports on ongoing atrocities against dalits. As a Civil rights activist he reports the Chidambaram poll violence in Dalits and Parliamentary Democracy. This article has not only provides the chronicle of incidents of caste violence took place in Chidambarm constituency located in Northern Tamil Nadu, but also provides the backdrop of rise of two political parties namely, DPI(VCK) and PMK.
As a Human rights activists and dalit intellectual, he is equally critical about some of the aspects of dalit movements and its concerns. In his essay On the Borderlines : Dalit Rights vs Human Rights points out that the cultural agenda seems more importantant than the issue of human rights violation. The major agenda seems to gain political power; the issue of human rights violations therefore becomes a matter of secondary importance. Though dalit oppression is itself a human rights issue and a part of the struggle for democracy, these two things are not taken seriously even within dalit movements. Why is it that the cultural sphere gains more significance than the killing of a human being? Ravi Kumar noted the contradictions within the dalit movements. Why there is no protest from dalits in case of dalit killings as in the case with demolition of Ambedkar statue by upper caste?

Ravi Kumar celebrates the dignity and freedom of dalits in every page of this book. He is in favour of insurrection of dalit history. In his own words, neither is our government stronger than the USA’s; nor are we less in number than the Blacks. It is for history to record how lambs become lions. (Celebration/Insurrection)

Venomous Touch
Notes on Caste, Culture and Politics

By Ravikumar
Translated from Tamil by R.Azhagarsan
Samya,2007
Rs.650