Towards a Dalit Theory- VENOMOUS TOUCH

Towards a Dalit Theory

Venomous Touch

Dr. P. Kesava Kumar

Ravi Kumar’s recent book Venomous Touch Notes on Caste, Culture and Politics are compilations of essays that were published in alternate Tamil journals, such as Dalit, Dalita Murusu, Taaimann, Manusanga, Unnadham, Nirapirikai, Kalachuvudu in between 1993-2005. These selective articles are translated and compiled as a book by Azhagarsan , English professor of University of Madras , who is closely following the politics of Tamil society in particular and contemporary cultural studies in general.
The initial years of this millennium witnessed the violent political turmoil of Tamil society, especially in Northern Tamil Nadu. These articles are a response of conscious dalit scholar to this situation. This book is sign post in understanding alternative culture and politics of Tamil society. These are critical reflections on Dravidan and tamil nationalist politics from a dalit point of view. Ravikumar is an organic intellectual, civil rights activist, writer, poet, translator, journalist, book publisher and a political leader of different kind. He expressed effectively through all these forms. He becomes a member of Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly (2006-2011) by representing the dalit political party, VCK.

As Susie Tharu in her foreword mentioned that these essays provide us with a rich feel for the political ruptures of the 1990s.It is post Mandal Phenomenon, in which dalit struggles against upper castes hegemony are prominent. It is the period of Political turmoil. The conscious educated dalits started asserting in public space. This is the time with the entry of dalits, one has witnessing the collapse of carefully constructed brahminical world in one hand, and on the other alternative politics that came in the form of Marxist and Dravidian ideology. This is the phase dalits of all walks got mobilized and consolidated to liberate themselves from the clutches of suffering, exploitation and violence that took place in the name of caste. Dalits are mobilizing towards the politics of power. In that process, they are searching for words, digging the past, inventing dignified life from the rich repository of their culture and history. It is an effort not to please theories of academics, and not to impress the existing polemics of alternative politics. It is dalit journey towards dignity, social recognition and social justice. Venomous touch is the critique of upper caste concerns towards dalit issues.

The Venomous Touch has its importance in many ways. First of all, this work is an authentic representation of dalit experience. This is not just articulating the feelings of suffering. It is also a voice against oppression. Moreover, it is theorizing about one’s own dalit self. It goes against the academic principle of dalit as empirical object and upper caste scholars as theoretician. If one believes authenticity and representation are important criteria in evaluating the knowledge systems, this work is a testimony of dalit knowledge system.
It is historically known fact that, for dalit writing, there is no space in mainstream media.
First of all who will publish the feelings of dalits? If any space is bargained, one has to compel to accommodate with existing dominant canons of political and cultural debates. In this context, the little magazines came with an idea of propagating alternative politics has a value in forcefully representing dalit writings. Ravi Kumar has deliberately chooses the little magazines of alternative political tradition. Mostly one has the feeling that dalit discourse is confined to vernacular and does not have national and international recognition as in the case of elite brahminical writing. By available dalit writing in English, this work got its importance as dalit scholarship in countering brahminical scholarship.
Ravi Kumar is fond of knowledge systems that liberate dalits. He had a strong conviction that dalit intellectual has to construct alternative knowledge system by critically evaluating existing systems of thought. It involves lot of labour, feelings, urge to change our lives. To fight against the system is not so easy, that too to fight against the caste hegemony of the nation one has to pick up courage and strength. He suggests that dalits need to develop a self critical attitude towards their own conceptions and activities. To understand, get more clarity and to provide proper direction for our struggles we need solid theoretical foundations.
Ravi Kumar looks at Ambedkar as not only a symbol of power but also a symbol of non power. Dalit movement must be willing to follow Ambedkar also in renouncing power. This alternative perspective on power can best be understood only when we understand Ambedkar and Tamil Buddhism from a foucauldian perspective. This shows that he borrows tools from scholars of the world to understand us in better way. ‘The strategic knowledge demands that our primary task should be to expose the forms of brahminism which offer ethical justification for all kinds of oppression in India. This is the role of organic intellectuals in the Indian context.’


Ravi Kumar is very much concerned with philosophical ideas that underplay politics rather mere politics. He declares, I give priority to philosophy rather than politics. He forcefully argues that ‘let us open the gates of philosophy’. He is fascinated with Gramsci, Althussar, Derrida, Bakunin and postmodernism. His fascinated with these theories is how to adopt in our social context. He believes that classical Marxism does not provide proper answer to resolve the questions related to power. To understand nature and function of power, Foucault seems to convincing to him. Foucault’s idea that power is all pervading in social relationship came as a critique of Marxism. Ravi Kumar reached Ambedkar in this backdrop. Apart from Marxism, he is equally critical about Dravidian ideology that practicing in Tamil society. As he says, behind atheistic ideology, communalism survives in the guise of caste majority. It is Hinduism in disguise. At the same time he argues that dalits need to develop a self-critical attitude towards their own conceptions and activities. Dalits have not only claims for sharing power but also have to learn to renounce power as in the case of Ambedkar. He proposes alternative perspective of power. Further he searched for alternative colonial modernity in Buddhism. He believes that the role of dalit intellectual is to expose the forms of Brahmanism and have to develop critical ability among the dalits. In other words, Ravi Kumar’s Venomous Touch is in search of constructing dalit theory. We may find his theoretical reflections on caste, literature, media, cinema, history, politics and human rights.
For dalit politics, the understanding of caste and its manifestations in various forms is central and crucial. Ravi Kumar explores the functioning of caste in all his writings. On the issues of caste, he is critical of both Marxist and Dravidian politics. As he puts: It is an important question whether the Marxists in India, can succeed in crossing caste barriers. Is it this barrier that has kept discussion of Ambedkar’s ideas out of Marxists circles today? The Dravidian politics has popularly known for anti-brahminical leanings by recognizing the issue of caste. Ravi Kumar observed that contemporary Dravidian politics are not critical of Hinduism. He points out that the same majoritarian Hinduism is surviving in the guise of Dravidian politics. Even in symbolic representation, the Dravidian politics are not critical about Hinduism. As he reminds that changing names in the campaign of Dravidian politics is remained at the level of anti-brahmin and anti-Sanskrit, but the attack on Hinduism never occupied a central place in such campaigns. (The Politics of Naming). For Tamil nationalists in Tamil Nadu regards Jaffna Tamils as role models. For any struggles in Tamil Nadu, Srilankan nationalist liberation struggle is inspiring force. Ravi Kumar is daring in questioning the caste of Tigers. He argues that these struggles are silent on the issue of caste. The wave of Tamil national liberation suppressed the voices of the dalits. For caste tamils in Srilanka are more Hinduistic than the caste Hindus in India. And the tigers are exception to this. To articulate his view, he borrowed the phrase from K. Raghunathan, Srilankan Poet, Caste lie hidden under the shadow of guns; they are not dead .(Caste of the Tigers). Ravi Kumar embraces the philosophy of Ambedkar in his struggle against brahminism, In understanding Indian society and readings its history, he believes that Ambedkar is appropriate. As he says: We can see in Ambedkar a continuation of Hegel’s study of social history. We can even say that what Marx did for Hegel in the economic sphere, Ambedkar did for him in the sphere of social history (The Shadow that cannot be Crossed). Ravi Kumar’s line of thought is clear by saying, Brahminism and its ‘counter revolution’ must be defeated. We must now think not of how to live, but how to die. He is equally critical about patriotism put forwarded by hindutva forces. What we need today is not the politics of patriotism, but a politics that articulates the singularity of the dalit question. (Is Sonia foreigner)


In State, Caste and Land, historically explores the relations of caste and land, from Chola, Pallava, and British period to contemporary times. He came to a conclusion that dalits are inextricably tied to land but do not have any right over it. The ownership of the land might change; but the coolie stays with the land. The landlords and rulers used the practice of untouchability to treat the dalits worse than slaves. In this context, he problematised the issue of Panchami land that given to untouchables in the time of British rule. This land has grabbed by upper caste and dalits have no claims on this at present.

Media plays an important role in imagining nation. It sets the tone for politics. Ravi Kumar’s articles on media are important in understanding history of media and the politics of media in relation to dalits. In Unwritten writing, explains the issue of dalits and media. he brings out the parallel between upper caste media, The Hindu and dalit intellectual Iyotheethas run journal Oru Paisa Tamilan(1907-14). He differentiates the difficulties in sustaining the dalit media even after their success, and sustenance of The Hindu(1905- till date) even after losses. He argues that caste makes the difference. He also demands for representation of dalits in media for effective functioning of democracy.
Further he argues that we have to understand the politics of media. He raises the questions: The caste system is preserved and reinforced even in media. How many dalits are employed in private TV channels? How many dalit issues have been highlighted on such channels?
Apart from the representation of dalits in media, he is ideologically explains the nature of media in his writings. As he says, television will not help to expand our knowledge; on the contrary, it dims our intellect. By limiting our thinking and throwing readymade solutions continuously before us, it turns us into fools and slaves. Worse still, it converts us into objects and commodities. Every thing, including sorrow, atrocity, destruction and death, has been converted into a commodity. (A Commodity called the Human being)

Dalit movements are aimed at annihilation of caste. The issue of caste has to be fought from many fronts and in many ways. Apart from political struggles, cultural struggles are equally important. For this dalits have to assert themselves by celebrating their own culture and history. Ravi Kumar argues that dominant history has excluded dalits, even in subaltern discourses. He is in favour of celebration of dalit history month in the line of black history month. Dalit history month is counter to dominant fabrications of history. The idea behind this acts is, invocation of dalit history. In the context where history has been subjected to planned erasure, events (Keezhvenmani, Tsundur, Kumher), institutions (Sakya Budhists Society) and names ( Jashuavea, Sankaranand Sastri, PR Venkatswamy, Iyotheethass) from the past century seem unfamiliar even to dalits. The subaltern studies group, which gained immense currency on academia, has systematically excluded dalits from their discourse .He believes that these kind of symbolic and semiotic representations have implication even for material plane. The violence against dalits in semiotic sphere must be met in the same sphere. It can not be fought on a material plane. This will be made possible only by turning the existing power equation in this system against itself. (Semiotic Violence of Independence Day). While recording the campaign of re-naming dalits by giving them tamil names, organized of Dalit Panthers of India of Tirumavalavan is considered as a protest launched on the semiotic plane. Rejecting hindu names and renaming dalits with caste-free names is part of the struggle to annihilate caste. This semiotic protest will destabilize the material plane too. Changing names is part of transforming society. we can name ourselves, seem also to say, ‘we can decide our own politics, and ‘we can secure our freedom. (The Politics of Naming).

In literature, Dalit literature brings into perspective the issue of authenticity and representation. The upper caste writers in general and progressive writers in particular are upset with charges of dalit writers. Ravi Kumar illustrates the upper caste writers view by reviewing Vaasanti’s short story Thinavu his article Venomous Touch, Untouchable People . He exposes the inherent vengeance and venomous literary touch towards dalits in the name of progressiveness. In another article Noon That Slaughters Shadow reads the celebrated Tamil writer Pudumai Pithan from a postmodern perspective. He reads the film Knockout as male centric text.
This book also contains the reports on ongoing atrocities against dalits. As a Civil rights activist he reports the Chidambaram poll violence in Dalits and Parliamentary Democracy. This article has not only provides the chronicle of incidents of caste violence took place in Chidambarm constituency located in Northern Tamil Nadu, but also provides the backdrop of rise of two political parties namely, DPI(VCK) and PMK.
As a Human rights activists and dalit intellectual, he is equally critical about some of the aspects of dalit movements and its concerns. In his essay On the Borderlines : Dalit Rights vs Human Rights points out that the cultural agenda seems more importantant than the issue of human rights violation. The major agenda seems to gain political power; the issue of human rights violations therefore becomes a matter of secondary importance. Though dalit oppression is itself a human rights issue and a part of the struggle for democracy, these two things are not taken seriously even within dalit movements. Why is it that the cultural sphere gains more significance than the killing of a human being? Ravi Kumar noted the contradictions within the dalit movements. Why there is no protest from dalits in case of dalit killings as in the case with demolition of Ambedkar statue by upper caste?

Ravi Kumar celebrates the dignity and freedom of dalits in every page of this book. He is in favour of insurrection of dalit history. In his own words, neither is our government stronger than the USA’s; nor are we less in number than the Blacks. It is for history to record how lambs become lions. (Celebration/Insurrection)

Venomous Touch
Notes on Caste, Culture and Politics

By Ravikumar
Translated from Tamil by R.Azhagarsan
Samya,2007
Rs.650

Who is the Criminal?

Who is the Criminal?

Dr.P.Kesava Kumar

In our country, many myths are constructed around judiciary system. When Political structures are corrupt, people are looking at judiciary as a last hope to protect democracy. Judges are viewed beyond power structures. Another view is that Judges are uncorrupt, impartial and always stands for justice. Judgments of courts are ultimate. Any criticism against judicial decisions is viewed as contempt of court.
Interestingly common man is always afraid of courts. He wants settle any issue without approaching courts. He is not reliable on the logic of courts. He knows that courts prolongs even for small issue, which can be settled casually. Approaching courts is last resort.
Today almost all our news channels are filled with reporting of judicial inquiries of political class. Of course, Channels also selectively and systematically feed the information in this regard since they too are products of this corrupt money. It is evident that crores of public money has been swindling. The political regimes of Rajasekshar Reddy and Chandrababu Naidu are under public scan. In both the regimes, there is an overflow of global capital and large scale World Bank loans. It is amusing to watch the competition among politicians in committing corruption. Due to this competition, more misappropriation of public money came to limelight. Why do we fail to take the cognizance of these as serious crimes in comparison with petty criminal cases?
White collar crimes are mostly financial in nature. There are no serious laws to check these crimes. Obviously the rich class escapes from their crimes and found various ways to escape. If any law exists, it is an effective. Public also not bothered about these financial frauds. They believe that it is a common phenomenon. History reveals nobody convicted. Sukharam issue is symbolic and rarest of rare. Even for that courts feel embraced to honour a punishment to former central minister.
In financial frauds, courts play a game in the name of prolonged trails and remands. They believe that public memory is short and wait till that moment. Public are no more interested to listen the old story. They are in search of some more sensational and breaking news. There ends the story of financial fraud both in media and courts. In this mean time political settlement takes place. We should not forget that this money is responsible for all kinds of crimes in our society. In simple terms, our political structure is standing on this finance capital. It reflects in our value systems too.
Our Judiciary is more active on criminal issues. Criminal laws are very powerful. It believes that we have to protect from criminals. Special packages came with new names such as TADA, POTA, and Goonda Act. When society is more and more criminalizing, then we legitimize forcefully these criminal laws. But the point is who is identified and certified as criminal by court in all these six decades of independent India. The records are clear and the public (upper caste hindu middle class) have the same mindset. Actual facts are not under considerations. Social conditions and the Social process are not accountable in the court of law. The people/society behind the convicted criminals are nowhere comes into picture either in legal and public frames. It is evident that the criminals convicted in our country are mostly belongs to lower strata of our society. The dominant social groups and judges will always consider these groups as potential criminals. They even brand these communities as criminals, as in continuation with notified criminal tribes declared by British. Here not the particular individual who convicted is considered as criminal but impose on whole community, though they are no way related to concerned crime.
What kinds of crimes these so called ‘criminals’ from lower strata committed? They are convicted on petty crimes such as pick pocketing and small thefts. They usually convicted on the charge of rowdy sheeted. Who are beneficiary of these ‘rowdies’? It is known fact that these rowdies are instrumental for the cause of ‘Big people’ and ‘gentle men’.
Our judiciary is active on criminal cases in comparison with financial frauds. The reason is obvious. In cases of dalits and poor people courts are awarding maximum punishment without having any second thought or self introspection. But in case rich/upper caste/political class the punishment is minimal and most of the times misquotes/misinterpret the laws.
This is the time to review the judicial activism in our country. It is possible only through the check up on judiciary from the politicized public. Why there are no historic judgments on caste violence? The judgments and the duration of trails on cases of caste massacres such as kararmchedu, chunduru, kairlanji, Melavalupu are testimony for judicial attitude towards dalits. There is serious effort from dalit groups to even register cases against culprits. We may find deliberate liquidation of cases by police at the level of filing FIRs. Most of the cases are prolonged for more than one and half decade. Our judiciary tests the dalit solidarity till it disorganizes and has no strength to withstand. Any how, justice delayed is justice denied. Most of the culprits are acquitted on technical grounds or benefit of doubt.
We have to understand that Judges/judiciary locates in society. They too have caste. They too have their own politics. They are not mere spectators to the cases. Their subjective positions will definitely reflect in their judgments. The power structures will definitely influence judiciary. Ultimately it confines to ruling classes. By reflecting on the issues the concerned public can check this kind of judicial activism to an extent. We have to initiate public debate and a critical review of each judgment. It can not be considered as a contempt of court. The critical concerns will ultimately strengthen our democracy. For this we have to cultivate social morality from alternative cultural traditions.
In a caste and class ridden society, the victims of punishment are mostly happened to be poor/ dalits. There is a need to redefine justice as Critical Race Theorists intervened in the issues of race in America. The idea of social justice will come to rescue the victims of punishment/ victims of our judiciary. Rather looking for appropriate section for concerned punishment, our judiciary has to educate on the social conditions, and social process that motivate the lower strata towards crime.
Time has come to expose the nexus between ruling class-police- judiciary and media. We have to build up a pressure that financial crimes are most serious crimes than generally defined criminal crimes. We have to build our judiciary on strong ethical foundations for democracy to with stand.
Ultimately, who is the Criminal?
Corrupt politician swallowed crores of rupees of public money or Pick Pocketer tempted for hundred rupees!

Ambedkar’s Conception of Equality

Dr. P. Kesava Kumar

Equality is a central concept in a political thought. Democracy presupposes equality. The idea of equality viewed as fundamental value of life. It is an egalitarian principle. Historically, the demand for equality has its justification on many grounds. It came to forefront as the moral or rational critique of society. The political thinkers recognized that formal equality of citizenship is not enough for substantial and meaningful life. Dahl defines democracy in terms of substantial equality in political resources. Barber argues that democracy is the politics of equality. Democracy requires an equality of democratic agency Human history witnessed many struggles against existing inequalities. Equality remains as a moral ideal for realization of democratic political value, especially in a society where inequalities are inbuilt.

The philosophers visualized egalitarian society based on their conception of equality. In eighteenth century the intellectual scheme explains that the existing inequalities are experienced as an intolerable burden and struggles for equality develops. Society generates unfreedom and inequalities of power, status and wealth, thus destroys the natural state of freedom and equality. Locke came with a theory of natural rights. Thinkers of social contract, Locke and Rousseau believed that individual surrendered his/her natural freedom and equality to the state for the sake of economic cooperation and physical safety.. The thinking of social contract assumes that the accomplishment of common purposes necessitates the voluntary surrender of primary, natural equality and freedom to social inequalities. This ideological scheme underlies most modern thinking about equality and inequality. Against the rigid and hierarchical social structures and its inbuilt inequalities emerged equalitarianism, individualism and libertarianism as an egalitarian value system. They began as a phenomenon of change. The premodern societies characterized with unfreedom, inequality, suppression and restriction of individuals. The modern Western industrial society replaced ascription by achievement: differences were justified by the degree to which different individuals attained social goals and values. Achievement of economic success gradually replaced ascriptive salvation; economic performance became the source of individual worth. It is important to understand that this transition from an ascriptive to an achievement-oriented society took place hand in hand with the emergence of capitalism. Individualism, with its claim for equality and freedom is later historical phenomenon. There is a long tradition of combining the values of individualism with equality. Individualism is a doctrine which emphasizes the dignity and worth of each individual; Egalitarianism as a theory appeals to equality as a moral ideal represented John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, and Thomas Nagel.

Ambedkar’s theory of equality has its significance in larger debates of political philosophy. Like virtue theorists such as Kant, Ambedkar considers man as an end himself/herself and used as instrument of means. Ambedkar considers that equality has differently understood in applying for human societies in comparison with mathematical notion of equality. Equality has to be understood with the fundamental characteristics that are common to humanity. These characteristics may be named as primordial qualities or biological necessities. It is a fact that fundamental characteristics appear in all human beings. Their nature and manifestations are summed up in a phrase ‘moral equality’. By emphasizing on this moral equality, Ambedkar is critical about the supporters of inequality, who argues that in physical strength, talents, and wealth, human beings are not equal. Ambedkar holds that in essence the phrase ' moral equality ' asserts in ethical value, a belief to be sustained, and recognition of rights to be respected. Its validity cannot be demonstrated as a problem in mathematics can be demonstrated. It is asserted against inequalities in physical strength, talents, industry, and wealth. It denied that superior physical strength has a moral right to kill, eat, or oppress human beings merely because it is superior. To talents and wealth, the ideal of moral equality makes a similar denial of right. And indeed few can imagine themselves to have superior physical strength, talents and wealth will withhold from inferiors all moral rights… A society without any respect for human personalities is a band of robbers.

Ambedkar considers untouchability in has worst form of inequalities that no where finds in the world. The Hindu social order does not recognise the individual as a centre of social purpose. For the Hindu social order is based primarily on class or Varna and not on individuals. In the Hindu social order, there is no room for individual merit and no consideration of individual justice. If the individual has a privilege it is not because it is due to him personally. The privilege goes with the class and if he is found to enjoy it, it is because he belongs to that class. The Hindu social order is reared on three principles. Among these the first and foremost is the principle of graded inequality. The second principle on which the Hindu social order is founded is that of fixate of occupations for each class and continuance there of by heredity. The third principle on which the Hindu social order is founded is the fixation of people within their respective classes. The hindu social order is based on graded inequality. This scheme has designed and protected to maintain social inequality. The Hindu social order leaves no choice to the individual. It fixes his occupation. It fixes his status. All that remains for the individual to do is to conform him self to these regulations. Ambedkar observed that the principle of graded inequality has been carried into the economic field. Ambedkar concludes that inequality is the soul of Hinduism. Inequality is the official doctrine of Brahmanism and the suppression of the lower classes aspiring to equality has been looked upon by them and carried out by them, without remorse as their bounded duty. For in Hinduism inequality is a religious doctrine adopted and conscientiously preached as a sacred dogma. Inequality for the Hindus is a divinely prescribed way of life as a religious doctrine and as a prescribed way of life. Hinduism is inimical to equality, antagonistic to liberty and opposed to fraternity. According to Ambedkar, justice has always evoked ideas of equality, of proportion of compensation. Equity signifies equality. Rules and regulations, right and righteousness are concerned with equality in value. If all men are equal, then all men are of the same essence, and the common essence entitles them of the same fundamental rights and equal liberty… in short justice is another name of liberty, equality and fraternity. For Ambedkar, the source for equality lies in dhamma of Budhism .Dhamma to be a sadhamma must promote equality between man and man. Religion must uphold equality. Further he maintains that state has to play a role through constitutional provisions to bring equality .Ambedkar firmly believed that political democracy cannot succeed without social and economic democracy. In his concept of democracy, he opined that political democracy is not an end in itself, but the most powerful means to achieve the social and economic ideals in society. Associated life is consensual expression of shared experience, aspirations and values.

This is to conclude that Ambedkar has not only philosophically conceptualized the concept of equality and also demanded and fought for equality. He has negotiated with western theories of equality from Indian social context. Like social contract thinkers Locke and Rousseau argues that by virtue of human beings, he/she has certain inalienable natural rights. All human beings are equal. He further carried with Kant by considering human beings are end in themselves and not used as a means. He upholds the notion of rationality that upholds the morality and dignity. Like in the west, Ambedkar too argues for individualism against orthodox religion and demands to recognize the worth and merit of the individual. He too combines the individualism with a sense of equality and freedom. But he goes beyond liberal theory of Rawls. For Ambedkar, liberty and fraternity are the other values to be realized along with equality.. His conception of individualism is more reflected and located in mortal community. His conception of equality ensures both material and spiritual values. Ultimately his sense of equality lies in democratic, ethical, rational and humanistic religious dharma. He illustrates that brahminism and capitalism are source of inequality and has to fight against it to have democratic society.